By L. Cochrane and W. Chellan

Poll results and mainstream media suggest that higher levels of poverty equate with higher levels of religious adherence. Broadly speaking, this generalization appears to hold true. ((See, for example: http://www.gallup.com/poll/116449/Religion-Provides-Emotional-Boost-World-Poor.aspx)) However, correlations of this nature do not occur in isolation. Wealth and poverty are also correlated with regional location, leading some to suggest that wealth and poverty are linked with geography. ((For example: Diamond, J. (1999) Guns, Germs and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies. W. W. Norton & Company: New York.)) Correlations can also be made between poverty and education, crime and a host of other social and economic factors. A critical analysis of the link between poverty and religious adherence is important because, based upon this claim, some suggest that religion is only “useful” as a means to address insecurity, instability, uncertainty and stress. Indeed, some turn to faith in times of need (e.g. Qur’an, 10:22). The claim that there is no inherent need or value of faith, for anyone at anytime, beyond a coping mechanism is what we suggest requires critical scrutiny.

Is it true?

These claimed linkages are limited to statistical correlations, not causations. In other words, the global polls describe a trend, but do not offer an explanation as to why that situation exists. The cause depends on how the data is interpreted and what other factors are sufficiently accounted for. The selection of data can influence the trends that are identified. However, does the statistical data confirm that these correlations exist? Our recent paper sought to clarify this and related questions. ((Cochrane, L. and Chellan, W. (2015) “We Were Extremely Poor But We Were Pious”: Exploring the Interrelationships between Religious Adherence and Economic Status in the Muslim World. Global Humanities 2: 112-128))

We first point out that it is quite easy to identify case studies to “prove” a point. Almost two-thirds of Senegalese live in extreme poverty, and the vast majority are religious. At the same time, Qatar has the highest GDP per capita in the world, wherein the majority are religious. To overcome the challenges of selectively using data, we utilized a Pew Research Center data set of more than 38,000 interviews conducted in 114 countries, and focus on Muslim majority countries (80% or greater). The findings suggest the picture is far more complex than the one presented in popular media and polls:

• The relationship between higher GDP per capita and a greater percentage of Muslims in the population is weak and insignificant. In other words: wealth or poverty in Muslim-majority countries is not correlated with greater or fewer identifying with the faith.
• There was no relationship between higher GDP per capita and the percentage of people that pray several times a day. In other words: the level of wealth did not impact on how frequently or regularly people pray.

Other findings also suggest that the “link” between poverty and religion is complex. For example, there are strong geographical trends with regard to religious practice, suggesting that poverty is not the primary factor affecting religious adherence. Also, higher GDP was correlated with declining support for Islamic Law; this suggests that politics (i.e. the political implementation of “Islamic Law”) play a significant role (recall that economic status was not correlated with the number of people who regularly pray, but support for “Islamic Law” was).

All of these statistics are “playing the same game” in that we are only able to describe trends, but not understand the causes of them. Nonetheless, we find that the statistical claims being made are incorrect (or, at best, only part of the story). We also explore lived experiences of Muslims in South Africa, a country where significant rises in GDP per capita have taken place. The diversity of experiences confirms that the relationship between poverty and religious adherence is complex, with some people becoming more religious and others not as wealth rose. The life stories align with our statistical data: there is no correlation with religious practice and wealth (or poverty) and certainly no evidence to suggest causation. Like the global data, the life histories indicate that local and regional history, politics, culture and society have a far greater influence on religious adherence than economic status.

Viewed from another perspective:

We also explore the theological perspective of poverty in Islam, all of which reinforce the complexity of the issue. For example: specific economic indicators are commonly used to measure poverty, but the theological conceptualization of material poverty includes diverse definitions, such as the poor (fuqarāʾ), the destitute (masākīn), chronic or temporary poverty (e.g.: ibn al-sabīl and ghārimīn). Furthermore, like the Noble Prize winner Amartya Sen, ((Sen, A. 2009. The Idea of Justice. Harvard University Press: Cambridge)) they suggest the need to distinguish between intentional asceticism (zuhd) and material poverty. Islam also conceptualizes a different form of poverty, separate from material and economic status: spiritual poverty. Popular media and the polls do not take any of these factors into account. In fact, we suggest, the theological tradition can enhance our understanding of poverty and its various manifestations.

The Prophetic tradition provides insight into the way poverty can be understood, as the Prophet Muhammad ﷺ (peace be unto him) made the supplication: “I seek refuge with You [God] from poverty,” ((Abū ʿAbd al-Raḥmān al-Nasāʾī. Sunan al-Nasāʾī: Kitāb al-ʾistiʿādhah, bāb al-ʾistiʿādhah min al-dhillah. Aleppo: Maktab al-Maṭbūʿāt al-ʾIslāmiyyah 1986)) which he encouraged others to do as well. ((Aḥmad Ibn Ḥanbal: Musnad al-ʾImām Aḥmad Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad Abū Hurayrah, ḥadīth 10973. Beirut: Muʾassasah al-Risālah liʾl-Ṭabāʿāt waʾl-Nashr waʾl-Tawzīʿ 2001)) At the same time, there are warnings against wealth: “By God I do not fear poverty for you, but I fear that you will lead a life of luxury as the past nations did, whereupon you will compete for it as they competed for it, and it will destroy you as it had destroyed them.” ((Muḥammad Ibn ʾIsmāʿīl al-Bukhārī: Ṣaḥīḥ al-Bukhārī, kitāb al-maghāzī, bāb shuhūd al-malāʾikah badrā, ḥadīth 4015. Beirut: Dār Ṭūq al-Najjāt 2001; Muslim Ibn al-Ḥajjāj: Ṣaḥīḥ Muslim, kitāb al-zuhd waʾl-raqāʾiq, ḥadīth 2961. Beirut: Dār ʾIḥyāʾ al-Turāth al-ʿArabī 1991; Abū ʿĪsā al-Tirmidhī: Sunan al-Tirmidhī, abwāb ṣiffah al-qiyāmah waʾl-raqāʾiq waʾl-warʿ, ḥadīth 2462. Cairo: Sharikah Maktabah wa Maṭbaʿah Muṣṭafā al-Bābī al-Ḥalbī 1975)) As well as: “Is it poverty that you fear? By the One in Whose Hand rests my soul, this world will come to you in plenty, and nothing will cause the heart of anyone of you to deviate except that.” ((Ibn Mājah al-Qazwīnī: Sunan Ibn Mājah, abwāb al-sunnah, bāb ʾittibāʿsunnah rasūl Allāh, ḥadīth 5. Damascus: Dār al-Risālah al-ʿĀlamiyyah 2009)) These narrations suggest, as does the entirety of the Qur’an and Prophetic traditions, that life ought to be lived in moderation, avoiding excessiveness to the best of one’s ability, and pointing to the inherent dangers of extremes.

Take-away messages:

• Claims of religiousness and poverty are, at best, correlations, not causations.
• Statistical data that demonstrates the connection between religious practice and wealth (or poverty) is, at best, weak.
• Lived experiences confirm the complexity of this relationship and the diversity of responses to wealth and poverty.
• Religious adherence is correlated with geographical location more than economic situation.
• Local politics, history, culture and society appear to have much greater influence on religious adherence than economic situations.
• Islam offers unique insight into how poverty and wealth can be understood, particularly in understanding the diverse manifestations of poverty.
• The Prophetic traditions warn against the problems of poverty and wealth, pointing towards moderation and moderate living.
• Islam postulates its adherents to have a mutual obligation to one other, and humanity at large, to alleviate poverty and the burdens of others, while at the same time supporting others to avoid the ills associated with extreme wealth.

Photo: Alby Headrick

By Macksood A. Aftab

The conflict between science and religion has posed a serious threat to religious authority in the contemporary era. Many advocates of scientism have used the tremendous success of science in modern times to question the usefulness of religion as a means of seeking the truth. For example, Stephen Hawking recently stated in a Huffington Post article, “Before we understood science, it was natural to believe that God created the universe, but now science offers a more convincing explanation.” More recently the harsh critique of religion based upon various forms of scientism by writers such as Richard Dawkins have escalated the conflict.

Their view assumes that both religion and science have the same purpose, namely of explaining the existence of the universe. Furthermore, the scientific method is considered a more reliable way to achieve this goal. This is primarily so because science deals with physical processes, which can be quantified and measured, whereas religion often resorts to metaphysical references, which cannot be “proven.” Professor Naquib Al-Attas, the celebrated Malaysian Muslim philosopher, summarizes the essential problem. He writes, “A gist of their [those who espouse science as the source for truth] basic assumptions is that science is the sole authentic knowledge; that this [scientific] knowledge pertains only to phenomena.” Excluded from science is anything that does not have a “physical” existence, anything that cannot be empirically studied. Therefore, implicit in a worldview that holds science as the highest authority of knowledge is a denial of God.

As the Nobel laureate Werner Arber, president of the Pontifical Academy of Sciences, writes, “The natural sciences are in a steady search for truth, and so is theology.” This naturally creates two apparently competing methodologies of seeking and determining the truth, which inevitably leads to conflict between theology and science. Although the Catholic Church did generally support science, when the conclusions of scientists came in conflict with church dogma, problems arose. This can be seen in the experiences of Copernicus, Galileo, and Darwin.

Islamic history, however, took a different course. Despite the existence of a sustained robust scientific enterprise in the Islamic world, an overt conflict between science and religion did not arise. Professor Walbridge of Indiana University points out that “the Islamic world produced no martyrs for science like Bruno and Galileo.” One of the achievements of Islamic civilization was the creation of a worldview in which both theology and science could be accepted in a comprehensive rational framework.

The Islamic tradition of scholastic theology is known as kalam. The two primary schools of kalam are the Ash`ari and its close cousin the Maturidi schools. Both are based upon a rational understanding of God and the Universe, which also seek to rigorously preserve salient features of the Islamic concept of God. This tradition, along with its larger place in the Islamic worldview, can best be understood through the works of one of its main proponents Imam Abu Hamid Al-Ghazali (d. 1111 CE). Richard Frank, a scholar of Islamic theology, describes Ghazali as, “The most important Sunni theologian at a crucial turning point in the history of orthodox Muslim theology.” During his time Islam was emerging from a period of intellectual schism. Ghazali contributed to the development of a consensus on this issue, which was to largely become the dominant Sunni doctrine. Thus the Ghazali scholar and translator Walter Skellie writes, “With him [Ghazali] the religious philosophy and experience of Islam reaches its zenith.”

Demonstrative Proof (Burhan)

The triumph of Ghazali’s epistemology lies in its successful reconciliation of reason with revelation. One key element of this was the allowance of figurative interpretations of scripture, particularly when it relates to assertions that may conflict with what is known via reason. Ghazali sets the bar very high for a scientific proof to over-ride scripture, something he calls burhan. Burhan is demonstrative knowledge or definitive logical proof. According to Ghazali, it held an even higher epistemic status than even scholastic theology (kalam).

Professor Al-Akiti of Oxford writes, “For al-Ghazali, burhan [definitive logical proof], and not kalam, is what he considered to be scientific knowledge, the ‘gold-standard’ in the art of reasoning – a judgment expounded in his Mi’yar al-’Ilm.” The late professor Marmura, a Ghazali scholar, summarizes Ghazali’s attitude towards definitive logical proof as follows:

“A science whose conclusions are not demonstrably true and which are in conflict with the literal assertions of scripture must be rejected. On the other hand, if what is demonstrably true contradicts the literal sense of scriptural language, then the latter must be interpreted metaphorically.”

Having firmly grounded his worldview in rationality, Ghazali proceeds to point out that physical science does not meet the standards of definitive logical proof unless God is added to the equation. This is because science is based upon a flawed assumption, namely that of natural causation. Causation, Ghazali argues, can only guaranteed if God is there to secure it. And importantly, according to Ghazali, God is there to secure it. Belief in God then becomes a prerequisite to the successful pursuit of science.

Causation, God & Science

Ghazali was able to reconcile the most important principle of science (namely causation) with Islamic theological doctrines (as articulated by the dominant Ash`ari school). Ash`ari theology developed in response to certain heterodox formulations of Islamic doctrine (such as those adopted by the Mutazalites and the Philosophers) which had the effect of diminishing key Divine attributes. Some of these formulations share a belief in necessary causation with modern secular scientists. Therefore Ghazali’s critique of their view is particularly instructive in tackling similar issues in the contemporary era.

Some of the main articles of faith in Ash`ari theology are that God is all powerful, He is all knowing and all events occur due to His express will. The Ash`aris therefore believed that all events are directly caused only by God, and not by anything else. God is not merely the first cause but also the immediate cause of every subsequent minor and major event that occurs in the universe. This appears to run contrary to our contemporary understanding of secular science, which rests on the principle of natural causation. Namely, that things (or events) cause other things (or events). For example, we think fire causes cotton to burn when they are brought near each other.

Ghazali questions the principle of necessary causation adopted by certain philosophers. According to Ghazali, this relationship between cause and effect is not necessary. To use his terminology, there is no definitive logical proof (burhan) that it is the cause that is responsible for the effect. He argues that all we observe is a quick succession of events, cotton being brought close to fire and the cotton burning. But a relationship based simply on proximity in time or space does not imply necessary causation. Ghazali famously states, “The connection between what is habitually believed to be a cause and what is habitually believed to be an effect is not necessary.”

David Hume in the Western tradition made a similar argument against causation. He asked, “Where is the causal glue” holding together the cause and the effect? Unlike Hume who was led to skepticism, however, Ghazali has an answer to this conundrum. For Ghazali, the causal glue is God. It is God who ensures that the relationship between cause and effect always holds. In doing so, Ghazali has made room for orthodox Islamic theology in which God is the direct cause of everything.

On its surface this line of thinking can be misunderstood to in fact undermine science, as several historians and scientists have thought. For example, the historian Tamim Ansary writes, “Take it however you will, the argument against causality undermines the whole scientific enterprise. If nothing actually causes anything else, why bother to observe the natural world in search of meaningful patterns?” Pervez Hoodbhoy, a preeminent Pakistani scientist, expresses a similar concern with the Ash`ari position, stating that in such a world, “even a speeding arrow might not reach its destination.” In other words, if the cause and effect relationship is not necessary then there would be no sure way to rely on our observations, predict natural phenomena or to do scientific experiments.

Conflict Averted, Science Flourished

This criticism, however, implies a dogmatic belief in science which sidesteps the very real problem of causation. Ghazali does not need to (nor does he) deny causation. He is merely denying necessary causation—namely, that there is no conclusive proof that things can influence other things by themselves. For Ghazali, God is required to ensure that the relationship between cause and effect always hold true. As Frank Griffel, a Ghazali scholar at Yale, writes:

“Trust in God (tawakkul) is a major condition for investigating the natural sciences. Such trust requires the certainty to know that God will not change books into horses or disconnect our knowledge from reality. Given that God habitually creates our knowledge to accord with reality, we can rely on our sense and our judgment and confidently pursue the natural sciences.”

According to this view God could suspend the laws of causation, but He never does and never will. So fire will always burn cotton but this is only true because in every instance of its occurrence God ensures that it is so. In effect, Ghazali has created a framework in which science can operate and the principles of Islamic theology (Divine power, knowledge and will) are also preserved.

Furthermore, Ghazali even located miracles – which he calls strange and wondrous phenomena – within the empirical world. Even miracles were then not Divine acts of suspension of the normal workings of the universe; rather they were unusual phenomena of nature due to causes not immediately clear to us at the moment. The possibility of additional causal chains other than those currently physically observed encouraged further exploration of the natural world. Ahmad Dallal, a historian of Islamic science at Georgetown University writes,

“The aspect that had the most influence on the development of science was the concept of multiple possibilities (tajwiz), the notion that specific natural philosophical explanations (or planetary models) are possible but not certain, and that there may exist alternative explanations for the natural phenomena… this idea was grounded in an epistemological criticism of Aristotelian metaphysics.”

After Ghazali, science in the Muslim world experienced a prolonged renaissance as documented by Yale historian George Saliba. His understanding had the effect of legitimizing science. Science was a discipline ensured by God. It also had the effect of effectively separating theology from physical science. Divine attributes are known through revelation, and science plays no significant role in informing us about these metaphysical matters. On the other hand revelation does not interfere with the workings of science; it is left as an independent discipline within the larger Islamic framework. Dallal explains,

“After Al-Ghazali, the need to invoke religion to vindicate science considerably decreased, not because science was not accepted but because it did not need vindication. Excluding final-cause explorations from science did not compromise the providence of God, which was simply assumed without questioning (bila kayf).”

This worldview rests on the premise that God exists and sustains the Universe. God is not the end goal of science, but rather the starting point. This created an organic and interdependent relationship between science and religion, which essentially eliminated the potential of conflict between the two disciplines. In fact, as professor Muzaffar Iqbal, a philosopher of Islamic science, writes:

“No one thought of them [science and religion] as two independent entities which needed to be related via an external mechanism… This relationship emerged naturally and because the scientific tradition was thoroughly rooted in the worldview created by Islam.”

This worldview was rational. It recognized the primacy of reason and in fact accorded burhan the highest epistemic status. Within this framework secular science is critiqued based upon logical fallacies assumed by its proponents. Science is then presented not as a competing force with religion, but rather as a viable enterprise, as part of a comprehensive worldview that encompasses God. In fact, it is grounded in the assumption of God. This delicate balance, which secured both science and theology, is one of the greatest achievements of medieval Muslim theologians.

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Dr. Macksood Aftab is a neuroradiologist, and clinical assistant professor at both Michigan State University and Central Michigan University. He holds a Master degree in History of Science, and is an editor for the Journal of Islamic Philosophy. The author can be reached at: mackaftab@post.harvard.edu.